Balitmore Riots

The Baltimore Riots

By Frederick Emory
THE Baltimore riots of April 18th and 19th, 1861, and the disorders which followed them were, next to the conflict at Fort Sumter, the most exciting and significant of the events which perched the general outbreak of hostilities between the North and the South. President Lincoln and his Cabinet were seriously inconvenienced, the North was aroused, the leaders of the new Confederacy were led to entertain hopes of valuable assistance from the Border States, and a formidable obstacle was interposed to the active prosecution of those military measures which the government at Washington had decided upon. The attack upon the Massachusetts troops was, in another sense, one of the most remarkable events of, the civil war; for, unlike similar disturbances elsewhere, it was largely participated in by the friends of order and the enemies of secession. Paradoxical as the statement may appear, the riots of April, 1861, were the work mainly of the strong Union element in Baltimore. The sentiment of the best men of the city was overwhelmingly opposed to secession; but, on the other hand, it was just as strenuously opposed to coercion. The people of Baltimore loved the old flag; but they loved their brethren of the South, also; and, when it was proposed to whip them back into the Union, even the most ultra anti-secessionists were roused into angry opposition to the passage of Northern troops southward.
It is easy to prove by actual occurrences in this city at the time that the feeling here was, as I have said, overwhelmingly against secession. On the 10th of January, 1861, in answer to a call published in the newspapers, a mass meeting was held at the Maryland institute for the adoption of measures favorable to the perpetuation of the Union of the States. This. meeting was one of the largest and most enthusiastic which had ever been held in the city. Every available spot was occupied, and the officers and speakers comprised some of the best citizens of Baltimore, among them Reverdy John-son, Governor Bradford, and Judge Pearre. Subsequently, another mass meeting was held of citizens in favor of restoring the constitutional union of the States, in which the Hon. H. M. McLane, Mr. S. Teackle Wallis, Hon. Joshua Vansant, Dr. A. C. Robinson, and other well-known Southern sympathizers took an active part. Even as late as April 12th, when the siege of Fort Sumter had begun, and only one week before the riot, two men were assaulted and mobbed, one on Baltimore, the other on South street, for wearing a Southern cockad. On Sunday, April 14th, five days only before the riot, a secession flag was displayed from the mast of the Fanny Crenshaw lying at Chase's wharf, but was hauled down by a party of men from the city, who boarded the vessel. The flag was run up again, however, but the vessel had to be placed under the protection of the police authorities. These facts go to show, in the almost utter absence of manifestations to the contrary, that Baltimore was not at that time a secessionist city; and, had the subsequent policy of the government been one of conciliation, instead of coercion, it is doubtful whether serious trouble would have resulted.
Notwithstanding the strong Union feeling which prevailed in Baltimore, there was a decided undercurrent of sympathy for the South. This was to be expected. Baltimore has always been a Southern city in feeling, customs, and associations. The population is largely made up of immigrants from Virginia and North Carolina, while the rural population of Maryland, particularly of the lower counties, is Southern in methods of life, sympathies, social habits, amusements, as that of any of the Southern States. The slave-holding element, too, were excited over the prospective loss of their slaves. Still, there were very few who were disposed to go the length of opposition to the General Government, and those few were overawed and held in check by the strong anti-secession element. The secession element, however, was aggressive, sometimes boisterous, and never failed to take advantage of any accident or mistake which was calculated to inflame the passions of the more moderate men. They were unintentionally assisted in their schemes by President Lincoln himself, whose secret passage through Baltimore was undoubtedly the result of a misconception. When they were informed that the President had slipped through the city incognito, citizens of all shades of opinion resented it as an undeserved reflection upon the city. The act at once suggested the thought flat the government regarded the city of Baltimore with suspicion and hostility, and did more than anything else to create a had feeling toward the administration. Arrangements were made by the city authorities for the reception and entertainment of President Lincoln in this city, and, it is safe to say, that Mr. Lincoln might have passed through Baltimore without fear of molestation.
It is a mistake to suppose that the riot was an outburst of the rougher classes, or, as some have alleged, simply a rebel demonstration. On the contrary, the rioters were composed of three distinct elements, two of which were distinctly respectable, while the third, a very small one by the way, was composed of young men and boys-one of them roughs, but many of them respectable in their connections-who were attracted to the scene by the noise and excitement. The first and most influential class-the class, in fact, without whose encouragement and assistance the disturbance would have been almost impossible-was composed of sober, intelligent man, many of them Union sympathizers, who were knocked clear off their balance by the announcement that Northern troops were marching on the city. This class had hitherto restrained the most aggressive of the Southern sympathizers; but, having always been opposed to coercion, were infuriated by the announcement that the Northern troops were actually invading "the sacred soil of Maryland." The second class was composed of more advanced Southern sympathized, together with the few extremists who were openly in favor of coercion. Of this class the most prominent were the late Judge T. Parkin Scott, then prominent at the bar, and William Byrne, the famous politician and gambler. Byrne was the recognized head of that class which advocated armed resistance to the passage of the troops from the first, and, with his companions, did inconceivable damage by loud talk and bravado. He was, at the time, the most influential mail in Baltimore with that large class of hot-headed young men, ward politicians, gamblers, "floaters," idlers, etc., who are to be found in every large city. A man of good address and strong sense, kind and liberal, he carried with him a large clientele of adventurous spirits. Mr. Scott represented the soberer, but not less aggressive, wing of the extremist faction.
One of the most curious features of the riot was the attitude of the city and State governments. The city government was largely composed of ardent Southern men, but, at the same time, men who
were sober and clear-headed enough to see that a collision between the Federal authorities and the citizens of Baltimore could not but result in the most disastrous consequences. The Mayor of Baltimore, at the time, was George William Brown, now Chief Judge of the Supreme Bench of that city, a person of determined courage and impartial judgment. The Marshal of Police was George P. Kane, a man of inflexible honesty and singleness of purpose and great determination. To these two men must be ascribed the highest honor for their strenuous efforts, in the great part successful, to pre. vent further bloodshed after the first attack at the Pratt street bridge. Had they been notified in time of the coming of the troops, it is
probable that the riot might have been prevented altogether. It has frequently been asserted at the North that the city authorities were in league with the mob ; but, after a diligent search, I think I may say, with perfect truth, that Mayor Brown and the Chief of Police, notwithstanding their strong Southern sympathies, did every-thing in their power to prevent bloodshed.
The Governor of Maryland, Thomas II. hicks, was a Union man, although he had been elected as a Pro-slavery Know-Nothing. His loyalty was suspected at Washington, but lie lent no countenance whatever to the proposed resistance to the "Federal invasion." After the event, Governor Hicks was the first man, however, to suggest the armed resistance which he afterward deprecated with so much honor; and, iin this connection, I cannot forbear printing the following curious document written by him

State OF MARYLAND, Executive Chamber,

HON. E. H. Webster. Annapolis, November 9th, 1860.

My Dear Sir -I have pleasure in acknowledging receipt of your favor introducing a very clever gentleman to my acquaintance (though a Democrat). I regret to say that, at this time, we have no arms on hand to distribute, but assure you that, at the earliest possible moment, your company shall have arms; they have complied with all required of them on their part. We have some delay in consequence of contracts with Georgia and Alabama ahead of us, and we expect, at an early day, an additional supply, and of the first received your people shall be furnished. Will they be good men to send out to kill Lincoln and his men? If not, suppose the arms -would be better sent South. How does late election sit with you? 'Tis too bad. Harford nothing to reproach herself for.
Your obedient servant

THOMAS H. HICKS.

The writer became conspicuously "loyal" before spring!
On the 18th of April, a dispatch was received in Baltimore from Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, announcing that the Northern Central
Railroad had been requested to furnish accommodations for the transportation of a number of troops through Baltimore. When the news became generally known, large crowds assembled on the street, and intense excitement reigned. About nine o'clock A. M. a meeting of the military organization known as the Maryland National Volunteers was held under the presidency of Mr. T. Parkin Scott, and inflammatory speeches were made. At two o'clock two trains, containing twenty-one cars, which had left Harrisburg at ten minutes after eight o'clock that morning, arrived in Baltimore. There were six companies of troops-two of United States Artillery from St. Paul, commanded by Major Pemberton, two from Pottsville, Pennsylvania, one from Reading, Pennsylvania, and one from Lewistown, Pennsylvania, the latter known as the Logan Guards. A large and excited crowd had assembled at t]he depot and, previous to the arrival of the troops, occupied itself in singing "Dixie's Land" and noisily cheering for the Confederacy. As the troops disembarked, they were pushed and hustled by the crowd, but no one was seriously hurt. Finally the line of march was taken up for Mount Clare station, where the troops were to re-embark for Washington.
The troops were accompanied through the streets by the crowd, which guyed and hissed them, all the while cheering for the Southern Confederacy and "Jeff" Davis, and groaning for "Abe" Lincoln. The troops behaved remarkably well, none of the men showing any signs of annoyance beyond an occasional angry look or exclamation. The city police accompanied them and succeeded in holding the crowd in check. When the troops arrived at Mount Clare, however, the crowd became more aggressive. The troops were subjected to numberless indignities, such as being spit upon, taunted, hustled, etc. ; the mob all the while indulging iN wild curses, groans, and yells, with threats such as these: "Let the police go and we'll lick you!" "Wait till you see Jeff Davis!" 'We'll see you before long!" "You'll never get back t5 Pennsylvania!" etc. Several of the more adventurous rioters caught some of the soldiers by the coat tails and jerked them about, while others taunted individuals in the ranks about their appearance, awkwardness, etc. It was a severe trial for the Pennsylvania volunteers, but they passed through the ordeal with commendable nerve and courage.
As the train was leaving the station, a stone was thrown, by some one in the mob, into one of the cars, and, with a wild yell, the ill oh rushed after the slowly receding train. They were checked, however, by the city police, who behaved admirably throughout.
Later that afternoon, a disturbance occurred in the central part of the city, and a crowd of some two thousand people assembled, but were dispersed by the police after several persons had been slightly hurt. The same evening, an immense assemblage of people gathered in front of Taylor's building, on Fayette street, where a State's Rights' Convention of Marylanders was being held.
Baltimore was now at fever heat of excitement. Business was entirely suspended and the male population of the city turned out em mass. The streets were crowded all day, and until a late hour that night Baltimore, or Market street as it was then called, was thronged by a surging mob, which was thickest at the newspaper offices and other centres of information. The Union sympathizers had disappeared, and the city seemed to be a unit in opposition to the passage of Northern troops through Baltimore. The staidest and soberest citizens were infected by it. Men who all along had been opposed to secession, now openly advocated armed resistance, and it was declared, over and over again, in the most public manlier, that no Northern troops should be permitted to enter Baltimore, or, if they did enter, to leave the city alive. The mob, however, was still under the control of the city authorities-that is to say, the Mayor and Marshal of Police retained, in spite of the open threats and great excitement, sufficient power to prevent any outbreak of violence. Unfortunately, however, the authorities at Washington attempted a maneuver similar to that by which Mr. Lincoln was got through Baltimore. Finding that the feeling in Baltimore had become intense, and suspecting the city authorities of collusion with the mob, the government directed the officer in command of the troops en route for Baltimore to proceed to that city, from Philadelphia, without notice to the authorities of Baltimore, and to get through as quickly as he could. This was a most unfortunate order, for there is little doubt that had Mayor Brown been notified of the expected arrival of the troops, he could have provided for their efficient protection by the police. The Mayor and Chief of Police were not only not notified, but were kept in the dark as to the movements of the troops-so that when the troops reached the President street depot, they were completely taken by surprise. President Lincoln and his advisers are not to he blamed for not taking the Baltimore authorities into their confidence, for it was exceedingly difficult, in those days, to tell whom to trust and whom not to trust. It is to be regretted, however, that in this case the President was over-cautious, for I am persuaded that, had the police of Baltimore been notified in time, the loss of life might have been avoided.
Early on the morning of April 19th, 1861, a train of thirty-five cars left the Broad and Washington avenue depot, Philadelphia, having on board twelve hundred troops from Boston, LowAl, and Aeton, Massachusetts, and known as the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, under the command of Colonel Edward F. Jones, a gallant soldier and courteous gentleman; and a regiment, one thousand strong, from Philadelphia, under the command of Colonel William F. Small. Nothing was known in Baltimore of their departure from Philadelphia, but about eleven o'clock it became noised abroad that a large force of Federal soldiers had arrived at President street depot. This depot is in the southeastern portion of the city, and is connected with the Baltimore and Ohio depot, which is situated in the southwestern section, by a line of rail along Pratt street-a leading thoroughfare-and some minor streets. t was necessary for the troops, on disembarking at President street depot, either to march to the Baltimore and Ohio depot or to be drawn thither in the cars by horses. The news of the arrival of the troops spread like wildfire, and in a comparatively short time an immense crowd gathered on Pratt street, with the intention of preventing the passage of the troops. While waiting for the appearance of the soldiers the crowd kept itself up to the requisite pitch of indignation and enthusiasm by "groaning" for Lincoln, Hicks, and the Federal Government, and by cheering Jefferson Davis and the Southern Confederacy. The first intimation had by the city authorities that the troops were about to enter the city was received by Mayor Brown about ten o'clock. Mr. Brown at once repaired to the office of the Police Commissioners, but found that the Marshal of Police had already gone to Camden station, where he had concentrated his men by request of the railroad authorities. The Mayor at once followed him to Camden station, and on arriving there found him posted with his men prepared to put down any attack. Unfortunately the mob had gathered not at Camden station hut on Pratt street, at a point a short distance west of the depot where the troops were disembarking. Pratt street is a narrow thoroughfare, and easily capable of defense. The strategical position of the mob was excellent as they proceeded to fortify it.
About half-past eleven o'clock a car drawn by horses was seen approaching, and was greeted by the mob with cheers for the South. The car, and eight others which followed, were, however, permitted to pass without any molestation, except the usual taunts and gibes at the occupants. A trivial accident, which happened to the tenth car, let loose all the elements of disorder in the mob, and precipitated the
fatal conflict. As this car neared Commerce street the brake was accidentally thrown' out of gear, and the car stopped. The crowd took advantage of the mishap at once, and began to attack the occupants with stones. Windows were broken, and a few of the soldiers were hurt, but not seriously. Finally the driver of the car became frightened, lost his head, and, having attached his team to the other end of the car, started to haul it back to the depot. The mob followed the car, stoning it all the while, but the driver having urged the horses to a run, succeeded in distancing them. A large portion of the mob, however, followed it into the depot.
The section of the mob which remained at the bridge on Pratt street then, under the advice of their leaders, many of whom, as I have said, were well known citizens of Baltimore, began to build a barricade, Paris fashion. They commenced by digging up the paving stones and the railroad track for a distance of sonic fifty yards. The stones were piled lip with the iron rails, the bridges over the glitters were torn up, and eight large anchors which were found on the wharf near by were placed on the barricade. A car loaded with sand attempted to pass, but was seized by the rioters, who backed it up to the barricade, and emptied the sand on the pile of stones and anchors. A large number of Negroes were working on the wharves at the time. These were ordered to quit work, which they did with alacrity, and were directed by the rioters to assist them on the barricade. They complied and, as Colonel J. Thomas Scharf, in his "Chronicles of Baltimore" relates, "worked away with a will for Massa Jeff Davis and de Souf." At this stage of the proceedings Mayor Brown, who had hurried from Camden Station, arrived on the scene. What followed is best given in Mayor Brown's own words:

"On arriving at the head of Smith's wharf," he says in his official report, "I found that anchors had been piled on the track to obstruct it, and Sergeant McComas and a few policemen, who were with him, were not allowed by the mob to remove the obstructions. I at once ordered the anchors to be removed, and my authority was not resisted."

This, ill my judgment, is signal proof that had the passage of the troops been intrusted to the city authorities, it might have been effected iii safety, as the Mayor had the confidence of even the extreme secessionists. In the meantime, the commander of the Massachusetts troops, finding that the cars would not be permitted to pass through, decided to disembark his men and force a passage on foot through the mob. When this determination was announced, some confederates of the Pratt street rioters at once communicated the news to them. It was also rumored that the troops had decided to go by a different route to Camden station. A portion of the rioters at once started to head them off, while the main body maintained its position on Pratt street. A. large crowd assembled at the depot during the disembarkation of the troops, and here several exciting, but not very sangililiary, encounters occurred between Unionists and secessionists in the crowd. As the troops descended from the ears they were hooted, jeered, and twitted. They succeeded, however, in forcing their way to the footway, which extends for several hundred yards along the outer edge of the depot, where they found in double file and awaited the orders of their officers.
At this point a man appeared bearing a Confederate flag at the head of about one hundred rioters. His appearance was the signal for wild cheering. A rush for the flag was made by several Northern sympathizers in the crowd, and the flag-staff was broken. One of these men was caught by the flagbearer who, with his companions, throttled, and would have killed him, but for the interference of the police, who succeeded in bearing him away. The shreds of the flag were caught up and tied to the flag-staff. On being raised again they were saluted 4th an outburst of cheering. The men surrounding the flag then began to taunt the troops, and declared that they would be forced to march behind it to the Camden depot. Colonel Jones gave the order to march, and the troops started. The men surrounding the flag, however, planted themselves directly in front of the soldiers and refused to yield an inch. The troops wheeled about, but found themselves surrounded to all sides, and were unable to move in any direction. Several of the soldiers were hustled away from their comrades, and would have been roughly used by the crowd but for the police, who succeeded, with great difficulty, in rescuing them. The troops again endeavored to force a passage, and this time, with the assistance of the police, they succeeded. As they started, however, the Confederate flag was borne to the front, and .they were compelled to march for several squares behind this flag. Too much praise cannot be given to the commander or men for their admirable self-control during this trying episode.
The presence of the Confederate flag was the immediate cause of the sanguinary street fight and loss of life which followed. Several Northern sympathizers in the mob, exasperated at the triumph of the flag-bearer and his friends, made another dash for the flag, but were defeated and pursued. Some of them took refuge in the ranks of the soldiers. This exasperated the citizens against the soldiers, and a savage attack upon the latter was made with stones and other missiles. One of the soldiers, William Patch, was struck in the back with a large paving-stone, and fell to the ground. His musket was seized, and the poor wretch was brutally beaten by the rioters before the police could rescue him. When Patch was seen to fall Colonel Jones gave the order "double quick" to his men, and the whole column started off on a run, dunking and dipping to avoid the stones. At this the crowd set up a yell of derision and started after them full tilt. Two soldiers were knocked down, while running, but managed to make their escape one of them with the assistance of the police,
While the foregoing events were transpiring in and near President street depot, an. immense concourse of people had gathered at the barricade. When the troops appeared in full run a great shout was raised, and the head of the column was greeted with a shower of paving-stones. The troops faltered, and finally, in the face of a second shower of stones, came to a dead halt. The patience of their commander was at last exhausted. He cried out in a voice, which was heard even above the yells of the mob, "Fire!" The soldiers leveled their pieces and the mob seemed to pause, as if to take breath. The soldiers fired. A young man, named F. X. Ward, now a well-known lawyer of this city, fell pierced by a ball. A hoarse yell of fear and rage went up from the mob, but it did not give way. The troops fired again and again, and the crowd wavering, they rushed upon them with fixed bayonets and forced a passage over the barricade. A scene of bloody confusion followed. As the troops retreated, firing, the rioters rushed upon them only to be repulsed by the line of bayonets. Some of the rioters fought like madmen. Finally, the mob, exasperated by their failure to prevent the passage of the troops, made a desperate rush upon them, and one young man, who was in the front rank of the rioters, was forced close upon the soldiery. One of the soldiers raised his gun, took deliberate aim at the rioter and fired. The cap exploded, but the gun failed to go off. The rioter rushed forward, seized the gun, wrested it by an almost superhuman effort from the soldier's grasp, and plunged the bayonet through the man's
shoulder. During the firing a number of the rioters fell, killed and
wounded. At the intersection of Charles and Pratt streets, Andrew Robbins, a soldier from Stoneham, Massachusetts, was shot in the neck by a rioter. He was carried into a drug store near by, and was protected from the mob. At floward street a strong force of rioters from Camden station met the troops and refused to yield. The soldiers fired again and the mob gave way. The soldiers again started at the double quick and reached Camden station without further trouble. Thirteen cars were drawn out, and the soldiers left the depot amid the hisses and groans of the multitude. One of the
most remarkable features of the riot was the persistency and courage with which the mob hung on to the troops, in spite of the continued firing. Another remarkable feature was the extraordinary coolness and forbearance of the troops.
Mayor Brown, during the progress of the riot, did one of the bravest things on record, and his conduct is remembered and frequently quoted in Baltimore to-day as a conspicuous example of unselfish devotion and courage. After ordering the removal of the anchors at the barricade, the Mayor made his way to Pratt street bridge, where lie saw the troops approaching. He ran at once to the head of the column, the people crying as he passed: "here comes the Mayor!" The Mayor shook hands with tile officers in command, saying as he did so: "I am the Mayor of Baltimore." He then placed himself by Colonel Jones' side, and carried with him for several squares, begging, warning, and commanding the citizens not to offer any violence. In the excited state of feeling at the time, tile Mayor's conduct was as plucky as anything I have ever read or heard of. His presence, doubtless, saved a great deal of bloodshed. When the Mayor left the head of the column, Marshal Kane, with fifty policemen with drawn revolvers, rushed to the rear of the column, formed a line across the street, and succeeded in keeping bacd the mob. This was one of the most exciting episodes of the riot.

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